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Fernando
González Llort.
Graduate from the Raul Roa
Garcia Superior Institute of International Relations.
“Fernando is a
typical Cuban,” says his mother
Fernando González
Llort was born in Havana on August 18, 1963. Since he was very
young he took on responsibilities in the student organizations
of the secondary education and at the University, as well as in
the Union of Communist Youths.
He graduated with
golden diploma at the Superior Institute of International
Relations. “During his school days—his mother remembered--, he
liked to go to parties, to the beach with a tent, and he always
encouraged his friends because “he always saw the things from a
positive point of view and tried not to be tormented.”
“Fernando is a
typical Cuban - the mother specified trying to characterize
him---, he is not an extraordinary being, he likes to play ball,
he participated in all the voluntary works, he is a normal
being, he likes music and he prefers Silvio Rodríguez.
In another moment of
the encounter and with vivacity, Magali Llort Ruiz—Fernando’s
mother—revealed that her only male son prefers, above any food,
yucca with “mojo”, “since he left I have not cooked it any
more , and I won’t make it again until he returns. I will put
yucca on the table the day when returns.”
He fulfilled a
mission as an internationalist fighter in the Republic of
Angola, in a battalion of tanks.
In 1988, he
entered the Communist Party of Cuba and, by the middle of the
90s left Cuba to fulfill the task of safeguarding the life of
his countrymen threatened by 43 years of terrorist aggressions
organized in the territory of the United States. “I reaffirm my
pride to be part of the Cuban people and of its Revolution,
”Fernando stated in letter to his countrymen’s mother moments
before receiving his 19 year-old sentence in the faked and
vengeful trial that was developed against five heroic Cuban in
Miami.
During the sentence
hearings that took place in Miami, Fernando was proud of being
one of those who have prevented terrorist acts and he
reiterated that neither him nor his partners conspired against
the national security of the USA, nor did they spy any military
installation that nation.
He is in love with
his wife Rosa Freijanes Coca, who highlighted Fernando’s their
loyalty to his comrades, to his friends, to the Revolution and
its principles.
FERNANDO WATCHED
OVER TERRORISTS
Fernando’s mission
was watch over Orlando Bosh, a terrorist of Cuban origin.
Bosh was accused of
being one of the intellectual authors of the explosion of a
Cuban commercial airplane that took the life of 73 people in
October,1976. He has also been involved in other actions against
the government of the Island, and in spite of being registered
as terrorist in the North American police files, he walks
freely along the streets of Miami, the panelists remembered.
In the defense
statement read in the court, little before receiving the
sentence, Fernando González denounces the existent complicity
between the government of the United States and the extremist
Anti-Cuban that act against the Island.
“The terrorist
groups of the extreme right of Miami were created and trained by
the CIA,” expressed the accused.
“The Cuban people is
entitled to defend itself, because up to now the American
government that is the one in charge of enacting the laws, has
made very little, or nothing, to stop the activities against
Cuba.
“I never endangered
the national security of United States, it was not my intention
nor my comrades,” Fernando González stated in his defense
statement.
Cuba also considers
that its citizens have been subjected to a “political and
faked” trial, designed to satisfy the thirst of vengeance” of
the extremist sectors of the Cuban community in the northern
country.
“It cannot have
double standards, terrorism it should be eliminated whether it
is committed against a powerful country or against a small
nation,” González asserted when defending his activities inside
the American territory.
ACCUSATION
The first
accusation presented by the office consisted of only 9 pages,
where there are barely references to facts, and where
adjectives and epithets prevail. It was a maneuver to earn time
until a second accusation was presented, in May, 1999, eight
months after their arrest. It was then when the charge of
conspiracy to assassinate was presented. It was based on the
supposed relationship of one of the accused, Gerardo, in the
bringing down of the light planes that violated the Cuban air
space in February, 1996.
This accusation had
been a main topic of the terrorist Mafia and of the scandalous
and unceasing campaigns of the Press of Miami. That second
accusation had 40 pages, with charges to open the process, this
is a more documented proposal, with the intention of
characterizing the supposed actions that they had made, but it
had the taste of the charge that is “cooked” to slow fire for 8
months to please the enemies of Cuba. It unquestionably proves
that we are in presence of a political, clearly faked and
manipulated trial.
There are, in
summary, five charges: The first one, the conspiracy consists of
an agreement to commit crime against the United States or to
deceive that country.
The second charge is
that of espionage, that is to say, to gather information and to
transmit it. But, in that charge it is taken for granted that
such information concerns the security of the United States or
collaboration with a foreign government in damage of the United
States.
The third charge is
conspiracy to commit murder. It is premeditated conspiracy, an
agreement to deliberately carry out the death of one or several
people. This is the charge that they impute to Gerardo for the
supposed crime of conspiring in the bringing down of the light
planes.
The fourth charge is
the forgery of documents or to make false declarations in the
face of government authorities to obtain documents.
And the last charge
is more formal than the other ones—being a foreign agent. It
involves acting as a foreign government’s agent without being a
diplomat nor communicating it to the Attorney General of The
United States. According to the American Penal Code, being a
foreign agent is not the crime, but being a foreign agent
without being identified.
ACCUSATION
The first
accusation presented by the office consisted of only 9 pages,
where there are barely references to facts, and where
adjectives and epithets prevail. It was a maneuver to earn time
until a second accusation was presented, in May, 1999, eight
months after their arrest. It was then when the charge of
conspiracy to assassinate was presented. It was based on the
supposed relationship of one of the accused, Gerardo, in the
bringing down of the light planes that violated the Cuban air
space in February, 1996.
This accusation had
been a main topic of the terrorist Mafia and of the scandalous
and unceasing campaigns of the Press of Miami. That second
accusation had 40 pages, with charges to open the process, this
is a more documented proposal, with the intention of
characterizing the supposed actions that they had made, but it
had the taste of the charge that is “cooked” to slow fire for 8
months to please the enemies of Cuba. It unquestionably proves
that we are in presence of a political, clearly faked and
manipulated trial.
There are, in
summary, five charges: The first one, the conspiracy consists of
an agreement to commit crime against the United States or to
deceive that country.
The second charge is
that of espionage, that is to say, to gather information and to
transmit it. But, in that charge it is taken for granted that
such information concerns the security of the United States or
collaboration with a foreign government in damage of the United
States.
The third charge is
conspiracy to commit murder. It is premeditated conspiracy, an
agreement to deliberately carry out the death of one or several
people. This is the charge that they impute to Gerardo for the
supposed crime of conspiring in the bringing down of the light
planes.
The fourth charge is
the forgery of documents or to make false declarations in the
face of government authorities to obtain documents.
And the last charge
is more formal than the other ones—being a foreign agent. It
involves acting as a foreign government’s agent without being a
diplomat nor communicating it to the Attorney General of The
United States. According to the American Penal Code,being a
foreign agent is not the crime, but being a foreign agent
without being identified.
THE SANCTION
On December 18,
2001, Fernando González was sentenced to 19 years of jail, on
the charge of endangering the security of the United States, but
his mission was to watch over a man of Cuban origin, Orlando
Bosh, a terrorist accused and registered as by the American
authorities.
On December 14, 2001
a federal court in Florida condemned Rene Gonzalez to 15 years
in jail. He had been accused of endangering the national
security of the United States.
That week the same
judge, Joan Lenard, imposed condemnations to life imprisonments
to Gerardo Hernández and Ramón Labañino, inculpated of trying to
penetrate American military facilities and of infiltrating in
anti-Cuban groups based in the city of Miami.
Antonio Guerrero
also received a life imprisonment sentence and two other
additional ones of five years of reclusion each, and René
González, another of the five Cubans imprisoned in United
States, accused of putting in danger the national security of
this country, was sentenced to 10 years because, according to
the Office, he didn’t register as an agent of a foreign power in
the United States, and to five more for conspiracy to spy.
The Cuban Government
sustains that those five people only gathered information to
avoid terrorist acts coming from the American territory.
Cuba sustains that
these sentence hearings were manipulated and influenced by the
extreme Cuban-American right. This process was “faked,
misinformed and made under colossal pressure.”
THE PRISON
Fernando González
serves his 19 year-old condemnation in a prison of Minnesota,
far from the rest of his comrades, as if physical distance can
destroy the union among people whose fundamental bond is their
ideas and common patriotism.
The five condemned
Cuban youths in Miami were transferred first, under severe
custody, to prisons of Atlanta and Oklahoma, and from there they
were taken to their definitive penitentiary centers in five
different and distant states.
“Tightly handcuffed,
uncovered in the cold weather, thirsty and hungry during the
transfer and later subjected to the harsh conditions in the hole
(isolation cells), our five heroes remain with high morals and
intact honor.
On June 23, 2001,
President Fidel Castro assured that those five Cubans imprisoned
in United States are political prisoners.
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