Constitution of the Republic of Cuba

They say that November 20, or maybe before, will be the "D-Day", the "Hello H"; the moment from which "the regime" will collapse, which, they assure, is on its last legs. They think they have everything ready: the scenario, the supporting characters in charge of the dirty work, and the protagonists prepared conscientiously for years.

The breeding ground for the explosion, they say, is discontent and apathy. They shamelessly celebrate the fact that the neighbors across the street have not lifted a finger to relax even the most superficial aspects of the economic siege of the country. They also feed on the effects on the Cuban revolutionary project of the hurdles of a bureaucracy fearful of losing its parcels of power and which, disguised as ultra-leftists, puts the brakes on the updating of the nation's economic gears.

They are betting on those who have locked themselves in a sort of time loop, within which there is no room for anything other than the failure of socialism as a system, although, in reality, they do not know what would come next. They can use practically anything to prove their thesis: a baseball player who abandons his team in the middle of a competition or an artist afraid of losing fame. The instruments are just as diverse: a video clip artificially elevated by transnational dissemination mechanisms, or ads placed on digital platform groups that until yesterday claimed to be "apolitical", because they would be dedicated, for example, only to ads for the purchase or sale of various goods.

They continue to rummage in the nonconformity climbing towards what they believe will be the definitive moment. First, they built the base by capitalizing on the concerns of some artists; then they pretended to set themselves up as "opposition interlocutors"; later they built their legitimacy with the "spontaneity" of the violent disorders of July 11. Now, as an imitation of typical Cold War styles, they claim to be going for the "non-violent" protest and elevate to the rank of leader a Yunior Garcia instructed and financed for years by the schools of the destruction of the European socialist experiences of the 1980s.

They pretend to lock us in the tricky discussion of the right to street protest to avoid what is really at stake here: whether we revolutionaries are willing to allow the counterrevolution to achieve with our capacity to mobilize what they could not achieve with a thousand mercenaries, nor bands of bandits or extraterritorial laws of economic asphyxiation.

There is not an ounce of naivety in an exhortation to demonstrate around a "freedom" or a "change" conveniently devoid of any content. Ambiguity suits them because it hides their aspirations to subjugate us de facto or de jure to the policy of the United States; that which sooner rather than later and under the cloak of "economic rationality", would establish here provisions destructive of the social conquests that cost the blood of our parents and grandparents.

They aspire, no doubt about it, to place in real power that supposedly "Aryan" sector of the Americans of Cuban origin who, with more or less dissimulation, despise the losers in the jungle of capitalist ascent or those who do not have white skin; no matter how much they proclaim themselves democrats and inclusive.

Their project for the country, as is their call for a disorder, is not by nature free or emancipatory, much less oriented to the ideology of José Martí; quite the contrary. They will never be able to understand what the Apostle they invoke so much was referring to when he expressed his wish that the first law of our Republic would be the worship of Cubans to the full dignity of man.

Being fully dignified can never imply handing over the destiny of the nation to an evil industry that is intrinsically violent, no matter how much it dresses up in the garb of "civic struggle" while stoking the fire of lynching in the social networks... and in the streets.

November 20 will be National Defense Day, not only because it marks the culmination of the exercise of the country's defensive scheme. Also because that day, or any other, should be the impulse to point out, warn and, why not, object, everything that weakens the revolutionary institutionally; that which should be more of the people, of the Revolution, of socialism, of democracy. Let us understand the role of civil society and the new economic actors in the construction of a country that achieves the greatest possible justice and prosperity.